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Dynamics of change in domestic actors' foreign policy preferences: the case of Japan's overseas troop deployments (1990-2010)

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  1. Tez No: 508749
  2. Yazar: KIVILCIM ERKAN
  3. Danışmanlar: Prof. KAORU KURUSU
  4. Tez Türü: Doktora
  5. Konular: Savunma ve Savunma Teknolojileri, Siyasal Bilimler, Defense and Defense Technologies, Political Science
  6. Anahtar Kelimeler: Belirtilmemiş.
  7. Yıl: 2017
  8. Dil: İngilizce
  9. Üniversite: Kobe University
  10. Enstitü: Yurtdışı Enstitü
  11. Ana Bilim Dalı: Belirtilmemiş.
  12. Bilim Dalı: Belirtilmemiş.
  13. Sayfa Sayısı: 158

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Özet (Çeviri)

In Japan, overseas deployments of the Self Defense Forces (hereafter SDF, the Japanese armed forces) to international military operations (United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and others outside of United Nations' command) has been a controversial issue due to domestic legal norms that restrict the use of force in external security policies of the state (the Article 9 of the Constitution)1 and the presence of a strong public opinion against the SDF's participation in any military operation that is not directly related to the defense of Japan's territory.2 Despite these constraints, troop deployments and the scope of their activities in international military operations have gradually expanded through the enactment of a series of laws: the Law Concerning Cooperation for United Nations Peace-keeping Operations and Other Operations (hereafter UN PKO Law), the Anti-Terrorism Special Measures Law (hereafter ATSML), the Law Concerning the Special Measures on Humanitarian andReconstruction Assistance in Iraq (July 2003) and fınally the recently enacted InternationalPeace Assistance Law (Kokusai Heiwa Shien Hö, September 2015). This research attempts to provide an understanding of how the security policy-making elite in Japan expanded troop deployments to international military operations, despite domestic constraints. These domestic constraints have found their ways into the policy formation process through opposition parties. In the cases examined, the government's ability to convince the opposition parties determined the faith of the laws and the level of SDF's contribution to international security arrangements. As such, the main research questions are: how did the successive Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) cabinets convince the opposition parties to vote in favor of expanding overseas troop deployments? What kind of strategies did the executive employ? What kind of factors account for the changes in domestic actors (in this case state-level political parties) policy preferences? The scope of the analysis is limited to the first two of the above-mentioned laws. The first is the enactment process of the UN PKO Law (1990-92). The UN PKO Law enabled the SDF to contribute to three types of operations United Nations 1 Peter J. Katzenstein and Nobuo Okawara,“Japan's National Security: Structures, Norms and Policies,”International Security 17, no.4 (Spring 1993): 98. 2 Paul Midford, Rethinking Japanese Public Opinion and Security: From Pacifısm to Realism? (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011): 30-31. peacekeeping operations, international humanitarian relief operations and international election observation operations. The second time period involves the enactment and extension processes of the ATSML (2001-10). The main mission of the SDF under ATSML was to provide logistical support to the US-led military forces in the war on terror in Afghanistan. The topic of Japan's overseas troop deployments has received a great deal of scholarly attention. Previous works have examined the roles of external factors such as the regional security environment, external pressures (from the United States and neighboring states in East Asia), international norms (such as UN peacekeeping) as well as domestic factors including the influences of anti-militarist state identity, public opinion, protection of national economic interests and changes in the institutional decision-making structure (i.e. the increasing roles of the executive branch in decision-making). Among these works, the constructivist analysis has been considered as having the most explanatory power. In particular, the most recent constructivist works explain the expansion in Japan's overseas troop deployments as a consequence of shifts in the normative beliefs of the policy-making elite with respect to what Japan represents in the international context, how Japan should contribute to international security and what kind of roles Japan should play in mitigating international conflicts. Constructivists suggest that as a result of the new internationalist outlook or“international state identity”, which developed in the 1990s, the SDF's overseas engagements have been expanded.3 This dissertation challenges this view in two ways. First of all, policy-making elites' perspectives on Japan's state identity and roles are still contested and since the 2000s new identity conceptions have emerged. Second, under such contestation, the policy outcomes depended on the structure of the government and the executive's ability to convince the opposition parties to support its policy initiatives. The question is what kind of strategies has the executive used to win the approval of the opposition parties? Previous literature provides us with two competing hypotheses with respect to how state-level domestic actors' policy preferences change. Constructivist approach suggests actors' (or policy-making elite's) policy preferences are informed by their shared normative beliefs on how their state should act in the international context. These“identity”or“role”conceptions can be contested among the policy-making elite. Argumentation or persuasion is seen as a key mechanism as a result of which actors' policy preferences change. In persuasion, actors change their preferences because the 3 Bhubhindar Singh, Japan 's Security identity: Form a Peace State to an international state, (New York: Routledge, 2013); Hugo Dobson, Japan and United Nations Peacekeeping: New Pressures, New Responses (New York: Routledge, 2003) power (the correctness or rightness) of new ideas appeal to them.4 These new ideas can be taken from the international context are introduced to the domestic policy debates by“norm entrepreneurs”to strengthen their positions in a domestic debate.5 An alternative mechanism can be found in the rational-choice based approaches in which actors make decisions based on strategic calculation. Domestic actors (here, state-level political parties) give their approval to a decision which contradicts their own policy preferences if they receive material incentives to compensate their compromises or concessions. These are known as“side-payments.”According to Milner they cover a broad range of strategies employed by the executive to buy off the legislators' votes including“money, vote trading, logrolling, concessions and compromise in another policy area, issue-linkage, and political appointments.”6 They may also include promises to make future changes in another policy area or threats to punish legislators who do not vote in favor of the executive's proposals.7 In the coalition formation literature, control of a single ministry or concessions in a policy issue have also been considered as effective side-payments for small issue-oriented parties with critical o votes.8 I assessed the plausibility of the two-competing hypothesis (“persuasion”or“material incentives”) by using the process-tracing method. Process tracing is an appropriate tool to investigate causal mechanisms in a single case. Theory-testing type of process tracing is used to determine whether a predicted intermediary steps between an independent and dependent variable exists in the predicted order and values. 9 By re-visiting the legislative process behind the enactment of the two laws, the study found that normative factors alone are insufficient to produce change in actors' policy preferences. Material incentives provided by the executive to the opposition parties' had been instrumental in winning oppositions' support. However, when those material incentives were insufficient to maximize actors' benefits, then, they could not produce change. 4 Jeffrey T. Checkel,“International Instiutions and Socialization in Europe: Introduction and Framework,”International Organization 59, no. 4 (Autumn, 2005): 801-826. 5 Martha Finnemore and Kathyryn Sikkink,“International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,”International Organization 52, no.4 (1998). 6 Helen V Milner, Interests, Institutions and Information: Domestic Politics and International Relations, (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1997): 109-110. 7 Ibid. 111-112 8 Joe D. Hagan et al.,“Foreign Policy by Coalition: Deadlock, Compromise and Anarchy,”International StudiesReview 3, no.2 (2001): 176. 9 Alexander L. George and Andrew Bennett, Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences (Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2005); Derek Beach and Rasmus Brun Pedersen, Process-Tracing Methods: Foundations and Guidelines (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2013) For future research, two issues could be further investigated. First, the enactment processes of the Law Concerning the Special Measures on Humanitarian and Reconstruction Assistance in Iraq (July 2003) and the International Peace Support Law (September 2015) need to be examined. Second, the question of why the Komeito, a traditionally pacifıst political party consented to the expansion of the external military roles of the SDF could be further investigated.

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