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Regional powers and their neighbors: National identity and the politics of regional economic leadership

Başlık çevirisi mevcut değil.

  1. Tez No: 523561
  2. Yazar: SEÇKİN KÖSTEM
  3. Danışmanlar: Dr. JULIET JOHNSON
  4. Tez Türü: Doktora
  5. Konular: Siyasal Bilimler, Political Science
  6. Anahtar Kelimeler: Belirtilmemiş.
  7. Yıl: 2016
  8. Dil: İngilizce
  9. Üniversite: McGill University
  10. Enstitü: Yurtdışı Enstitü
  11. Ana Bilim Dalı: Belirtilmemiş.
  12. Bilim Dalı: Belirtilmemiş.
  13. Sayfa Sayısı: 215

Özet

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Özet (Çeviri)

There has recently been a proliferation in studies on regionalism and regional powers. Yet little has been done to explore the role that regional powers play in fostering economic integration in their regions. In particular, two questions have been unexplored. First, why do the regional economic priorities of regional powers shift over time? Also, why do regional powers pursue different forms of leadership to exert economic influence over their neighbors? This dissertation speaks to a broad audience in the field of International Relations, including IPE, regional powers, Russian foreign policy and Turkish foreign policy. It contributes to the ongoing debate on regional powers and economic orientation by highlighting the ideational roots of the economic leadership strategies of Russia and Turkey. I argue that objective economic/material factors cannot explain the foreign economic strategies of these two countries. Instead, it is elite national identity conceptions that primarily construct and define economic interests. National identity conceptions are elite understandings of the state's historically appropriate roles and purposes in its region and the world. I demonstrate that from the 1990s to the 2000s, both Turkey and Russia changed the geographic orientations and forms of their regional foreign economic strategies in response to the changing national identity conceptions of their ruling elites. I argue that the shifting national identity conception in Russia from a Westernizing one under Yeltsin's presidency to a great power nationalist one under Putin's leadership led to a geographic reorientation of Russia's foreign economic policies from the West to the post-Soviet region. While the Westernizers of the 1990s wanted integration into Western economic structures, great power nationalists have prioritized integration in Eurasia. Similarly, I investigate why Turkish decision-makers of the 1990s pursued economic integration with the European Union and closer economic ties with the post-Soviet states, while economic integration with the Middle East has become a priority under Erdoğan's JDP. I argue that this occurred because the JDP's conservative national identity conception embraced the Muslim Middle East, in contrast to the traditionally Western oriented and Kemalist national identity conception of the 1990s. In terms of the form of foreign economic policies, I argue that Putin and his allies' great power nationalist identity conception has resulted in a hegemonic and coercive form of regional leadership towards establishing the Eurasian Economic Union. Conversely, the JDP's conservative national identity conception has made Turkey a liberal economic leader in the Middle East. I show that in both Russia and Turkey, current ruling elites determined the direction and form of economic policies in opposition to the previously prevalent national identity conceptions. The variation in the form of foreign economic policies of Russia and Turkey, therefore, is rooted in elite national identity contestation at home. In both countries the process of the consolidation of political power at home constituted a critical juncture in that it eliminated the influence of alternative national identity conceptions and reinforced formerly set foreign economic goals. Similarly, both Russia's great power nationalists and Turkey's conservatives saw the global financial crisis of 2008-09 as a great opportunity to increase their economic influence in their neighborhoods.

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