Liberalizmden yeni-liberalizme dönüşümün nedenleri ve boyutları
Başlık çevirisi mevcut değil.
- Tez No: 36318
- Danışmanlar: YRD. DOÇ. DR. SERPİL ÜŞÜR
- Tez Türü: Yüksek Lisans
- Konular: Ekonomi, Kamu Yönetimi, Siyasal Bilimler, Economics, Public Administration, Political Science
- Anahtar Kelimeler: Belirtilmemiş.
- Yıl: 1994
- Dil: Türkçe
- Üniversite: Ankara Üniversitesi
- Enstitü: Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü
- Ana Bilim Dalı: Belirtilmemiş.
- Bilim Dalı: Belirtilmemiş.
- Sayfa Sayısı: 146
Özet
Özet yok.
Özet (Çeviri)
able to exclude the welfarist liberalism from the liberal tradition, and rescue the liberal conscience from the fear of being rejected its own identity by given up egalitarian and libertarian ideals of the liberal revolutions in the 17th and 18th centuries. All of these arguments gain a special importance about the political and scientific qualifications of the new-liberalism. It is generally accepted that a theory must be consistent with the logical and factual implications of its prepositions, moreover have some explanation about tlie inconsistency between its preposition and fact. This is also true from a Popperian or Hayekian point of view which are crucial approaches for the new liberalism and its epistemological foundation. The recent revival in the liberal political and economic thought and a growing interest for liberal policies inspires some optimistic vision about the future of liberal values. History shows repeatedly that nothing can better harm to liberalism than this over-reliance. Thus we should so think that it is virtually important to criticize and strictly examine theoretical and practical validity of liberal assumptions for anyone who interested in public life and political discussions and whose actual problems partly result from those liberal or so-called liberal policies whether she is liberal or not. But, I would like to emphasize that this study is not an attempt for a coherent explanation of the new liberal arguments, nor an empirical case for the examination of its validity. Merely it can be described as a brief outlook of evolution of liberalism partly with theoretical and practical dimensions, and a critical discussion about the identity of new liberalism in this historical and philosophical perspective. Admittedly the main target of this perspective is to give a proper account for its historical and philosophical value as well as its ideological extensions. 142the popular movements of the 1968's and its more concrete forms like the anti democratic, anti-egalitarian arguments against the demands for participatory democratic rights, is another coinciding point for the new liberals and new conservatives. Liberal democratic participatory mechanism is rejected for its majoritarian structure and an authoritarian regime that shows a much more respect for the economic freedom would be more permissible than the democratic one. Democracy, according to most of the new liberals (especially economy schools of new liberalism, the most prominent of them, for example, Austria, Virginia and Chicago schools of economics) is nothing more than a mere mean for 'freedom.' Its a kind of mean that can be used for any end apart from the liberal ideal“individual freedom.”, so democracy cannot be defined as an end itself. This highly dubious thoughts about the democratic ideal of free people which inspired the great revolutions of human history is founded upon an essential assumption about the nature of individual liberty. First of all they believe in negative liberty as the unique and true form of freedom. Second, they derived all kinds of freedom from the basic rights of individual which described in terms of economy. Third, followed from these, the main and most sacred individual right became the property rights. This very simple scheme is representing the core of the new liberalism, but not all the new arguments suggested for the case. This side of new liberalism can be seen easily by pursuing the thought line of Hayek's life long studies. He is perhaps the most prominent, and without doubt the most efficient - in academic terms- speaker and founder of the new liberalism. His invaluable contribution to the new liberal case is his effort for conceiving and explaining all the liberal tradition just like a monolitliic structure. He detected two kinds of liberalism in history, the true is the one he defends; classical liberalism, based on a spontaneous evolution, the false is the one which social democrats, social liberals arguing for and which socialists and fascist developed one step further, based on constructive rationalism and as a result of this, going on the line of revolutions. Thus he could be 141able to exclude the welfarist liberalism from the liberal tradition, and rescue the liberal conscience from the fear of being rejected its own identity by given up egalitarian and libertarian ideals of the liberal revolutions in the 17th and 18th centuries. All of these arguments gain a special importance about the political and scientific qualifications of the new-liberalism. It is generally accepted that a theory must be consistent with the logical and factual implications of its prepositions, moreover have some explanation about tlie inconsistency between its preposition and fact. This is also true from a Popperian or Hayekian point of view which are crucial approaches for the new liberalism and its epistemological foundation. The recent revival in the liberal political and economic thought and a growing interest for liberal policies inspires some optimistic vision about the future of liberal values. History shows repeatedly that nothing can better harm to liberalism than this over-reliance. Thus we should so think that it is virtually important to criticize and strictly examine theoretical and practical validity of liberal assumptions for anyone who interested in public life and political discussions and whose actual problems partly result from those liberal or so-called liberal policies whether she is liberal or not. But, I would like to emphasize that this study is not an attempt for a coherent explanation of the new liberal arguments, nor an empirical case for the examination of its validity. Merely it can be described as a brief outlook of evolution of liberalism partly with theoretical and practical dimensions, and a critical discussion about the identity of new liberalism in this historical and philosophical perspective. Admittedly the main target of this perspective is to give a proper account for its historical and philosophical value as well as its ideological extensions. 142
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