Bursa pamuk ipliği sanayiindeki bir fabrikada çalışanbir grup kadın işçinin fabrika içi ve aileyle olan sosyal ilişkileri
Social relationships at work andin the familyamong a group of woman workers at a thread mill in Bursa
- Tez No: 160769
- Danışmanlar: Belirtilmemiş.
- Tez Türü: Doktora
- Konular: Sosyoloji, Sociology
- Anahtar Kelimeler: Belirtilmemiş.
- Yıl: 1980
- Dil: Türkçe
- Üniversite: Hacettepe Üniversitesi
- Enstitü: Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü
- Ana Bilim Dalı: Sosyoloji Ana Bilim Dalı
- Bilim Dalı: Belirtilmemiş.
- Sayfa Sayısı: 405
Özet
Özet yok.
Özet (Çeviri)
The study is the result of fieldwork data collected between April 1978 and July 1978 at a thread mill in Bursa, a very old city in the Marmara Region of Turkey, reknown for its textile works. The research is a multi-purpose one with the following goals! (a) to establish the basic motives (factors) affective in producing sociable groupings (informal groups) among the women working at the machines of the Spinning-Twisting and the Finishing departments of the thread mill; (b) to study the content of the social relationships taking place within the family and among kin groups and to define the degree these type of relationships shape the ones at the plant? (c) to describe the situation arising in family life when the mother works at a factory applying a“three-shif t-work”schedule. The study is based on two groups of hypotheses: (1) The woman worker migrating from rural areas Ço cities will adapt to factory work and its discipline in accordance with the degree her family loses its traditional values and attitudes; if not/ she will find it difficult-336- to combine her world of work with the tradionality of her surroundings. In line with this hypothesis, it is also assumed that the kin ties and neighbourship will demonstrate themselves in the social groupings taking place in the plant, (2) The“three- shiftwork”schedule will have negative effects, lessening the frequency and content of relationships of the woman worker with (a) her husband, (b) her children, (c) the kin groups and neighbours. The mill was operating in four relays rotating on a“three-shift-work”schedule at the time of the research. Some production units constitute solely of men workers necessitating from the requirements of the production process. Therefore the research took place at the production units;; where only women workers were working. Two of the relays were taken as“the sample”on the criteria of residence (the relay which had workers residing at nearby villages- in contrast to the other relay where residence was quite heterogenous, in different parts of the city of Bursa) and marital status (the relay which had the majority of married women).Thus, questionnaires (consisting of 375 variables), interviews and direct observation have been the techniques used in collecting the data from this sample of 122 workers (including the women on the“day shift”(prenatal or postnatal women temporarily working during the day, cripples, recruits) working at their machines at the time of the research.-337- The majority of the women were found to be migrants of village origin (67.2%), immigrating mostly from Bulgaria (62.3%)? The immigrants from Bulgaria (of Turkish origin) were kins of first generation immigrants to Bursa? the majority of these immigrants displayed a higher level of education '?'.*, above primary (65,8%), than their“native”contegers. Owing to this dispersion“patriotism”comes fore most among the reasons' for immigration to Bursa, f pllowed by family ties, landlessnes and the comforts of city life. (*?) Using George Foster's set of şocio-cultural barriers to change f“innovation”in this case being factory work and its discipline), the worksr s showed an inclination to leaving their traditional values and attitudes mainly in the following aspects of their lives 5 in att irem'in courtship (personal choice of mate)? in bride price (“başlık”)? in property ownership? in residence at marriage? in the number of children required? in the authority in the household (fxrst generation seems to be losing its outhority-in favour of son and his wife- in extended families), As to the status of women? the women were found to be less subordinated economically, politically, and socially compared to the traditional status of women in rural areas. Yet, they still have strong family ties and family connections, reflecting itself in patrilocality (51.2%), George Mt Foster, Traditional Cultures» and the Impact of Technological Change (New York; Harper and Row? 1962).-.338- patrilineal kin domination and in kin solidarity and cohesiveness alongside -'cultural ethnocehtr ism between the ''natives“ (of Bursa and immigrants frpm other regions of Turkey) and ”immigrants“, (from Bulgaria). Family ties and family connections were found to be the vital factors determining the workers' employement at the factory (finding work) and adaptation, to the working environment while reasons related to work (bad working conditions, random working hours, difficulties in commuting to work, lay-offs etc,) accounted for the workers' departure from former work. Contrary to this positive aspect, family ties and family connections also have negative influence on the workers' adherence to factory discipline? causes of absenteeism stems more from loyalty to traditional patterns concerning marriages and: other rituals than taking care of family members suddenly taken ill (marriage ceremonies are still the most popular form of entertainment outside T.V.) The workers* main incentive for starting to work at the mill stems from economic motives. The womens wages pay off debts related to house building (plot, building materials and debts to tradesmen, artisans or kins). Since the immigrants utmost desire is ”his own roof over his head“ - traditionally they all owned their houses in the villages and so, find it ”irksome“ to be without one-plus the fact that the ”bride“ s of extended families desire nuclear families.-339-. However, once she gets over the orientation period at work (with the help of. family connections and relatives), her social relations with ”felloW workers seems to be more significant than not only economic motives but also the physical conditions of work. Two thirds of the women showed sociable groupings (group membership stemming from fellow-countrymanship, neigh. bourhooijship. and kinship; marital status also seemed to be affective in one of the relays where the majority of the workers resided in nearby villages) and continuation of social relationships outside the factory, in contrast to the rest of the women who displayed socio-technical relationships (32.0%). Thesajbeionging to strong sociable groupings had no causes for friction among themselves; group norms kept them on good terms. On the other hand, reluctance to help at the machines triggers of moroseness among workers in the sociable groupings and especially among immigrants of same origin. 74.5% of the workers have the opportunity to chat, gossip and joke while working at their machines, the relationship being more socio-technical than social since the topics are usually related to work, the“accord”system being the source for such conversation; only 31.0% reflected family problems. However, the types of jokes at teabreak (at the 1600-2400 hrs, and 24oo-08o° hrs shifts) and lunch breaks are mostly“sexual”or stem from“yeaaming for autonomy”(from the husbands' family -.. of origin).-340- As to then situation arising in family life as a result of the womens'“three-shift-work”schedule, it turns out that couples have less contact with each other, especially during weekends, since the husbands' work hours and days do not coincide with the wives '. Another aspect of the husband - wife relation-* ship is that, in spite of the predominance of the traditional ''“coitus interreptus”form of birth control, there are few cases of miscarriage and only one third of the women have given birth since starting to work at the mill, mostly their first child. These facts plus the attitude to and answer of the women to a certain question (“At which shift are you able to see your husband more f requentlyi'”) point to the possibility of the“three-shift-work”as a new form of imposed birth control method stemming from abstinence from copulation. On the other hatrd, in the case of the child going to school (most of the children turned out to be attending school between * 1300-17OQ hrs. ). The women have little opportunity of being with the child on the 1600-240° hrs. shift unless the child is of pre-school age (46.9% of the children are of school : age). Likewise, she can show more attention during the day shift (0.8 -16 hrs) if the child is at school age. However, her rela* t ions with the children seems quite strained during the night shift (24oo-08o°); the child at home wants her attention while the woman desires to steep, plus the faet that she sleeps less (~ five hours) owing to household chores. The majority have-341- nobody helping themsave the mother-in-law and even if so# only in cc>oking; arid child-minding J the husbands have no part in household duties save those husbands who aid their wives in the purchasing of goods, from the weekly market.1_^hejıy^o^e^iV'i^t^hö“three- shift-work”schedule would affect the women worker's5 social relationships with herkin groups proved : to vbe false? the women are in frequent contact with their kins. Ön the other hand, the workers' relationship with their neighbours (except the ones who work at the same place aş they >do) do not go beyond door-tb- door chatting.
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